REPORT: "Perhaps It Was Ego": Judge Hudson's Quest For Glory
On December 13, U.S. District Judge Henry E. Hudson ruled that a key provision in the Affordable Care Act requiring individuals to own health insurance is unconstitutional. However, even conservative legal scholars have identified major defects in Hudson's opinion, leaving many to question whether the judge was actually motivated by politics. In fact, Hudson credited "twenty years of active service to the Republican party" with helping him land a federal judgeship. Perhaps more important than partisan loyalty, though, is Hudson's lifelong drive for the spotlight. In his 2007 memoir, Quest for Justice, Hudson chronicles his path from the commonwealth's attorney's office to the bench, including detours in electoral politics and the entertainment industry. Throughout the book, he boasts of his ability to generate media coverage; describes relationships with celebrities in Washington and Hollywood; and recalls the boredom of legal work removed from the public eye. ("Perhaps it was ego," he remarks.) At one point, Hudson acknowledges that he was gunning for "a full-time gig as a network legal commentator." Hudson ultimately accepted that he "was never going to make it big in the broadcasting field," but he never lost his appetite for attention. And, if his ruling against President Obama's landmark health care law stands, Hudson might have finally completed his lifelong quest for glory.
"In Demand" & "Very Popular"
Hudson: "I Received More Votes Than Any Republican Candidate In Arlington County History." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I received more votes than any Republican candidate in Arlington County history. The Republicans also retained the majority on the Arlington County Board, with both incumbent candidates reelected." [p. 97]
Hudson: "I Could Find No One Who Voted Against Me." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I was sworn in as the commonwealth's attorney just after Christmas, and experienced a common political phenomenon. Before the election I met scores of people who claimed to be supporting my opponent, but they must have had a last-minute epiphany, because after the election I could find no one who voted against me." [p. 100]
Hudson Describes How The Arlington Teachers Union "Rallied To My Support." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
Another aspect of the ten-point plan involved school discipline. Chief Stover and I learned that some school administrators were discouraging teachers from taking students who committed crimes on school property to court, even when the crime included physical assault on a teacher. The administrators did not want the adverse publicity, and the accompanying perception that there was a disciplinary problem at their school. I publicly announced that I would accompany any teacher to a meeting with the school principal if necessary to insure the prosecution of a truly disruptive student. The teachers union, which generally disfavored anything proposed by a Republican, rallied to my support.
To the delight of rank-and-file educators, Stover and I also proposed that students who posed chronic disciplinary problems be expelled from the school system. The school board initially rejected this idea, but over time they were persuaded that a handful of bad actors was causing ninety percent of the problems. Today, Arlington County has no hesitation in expelling students who continually disrupt classes or engage in serious misconduct. [p. 107, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Found Myself In Demand As A Public Speaker." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In the years following my election [as commonwealth's attorney], I continued to be active in Republican politics. As the only Republican commonwealth's attorney north of Richmond, and one of only three in the entire state, I found myself in demand as a public speaker. Party officials began circulating rumors that I was being groomed for statewide office. Since my political base in Arlington County was predominantly Democratic, I was very careful about getting involved in other political campaigns. I enjoyed an excellent relationship with Democratic officeholders and never spoke critically in public. They adopted a similar policy with me, which paid handsome dividends at election time." [p. 115, emphasis added]
Hudson: "President Ronald Reagan Wanted Me In Attendance." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Several months before I received the phone call from Congressman Wolf, I'd been invited to the White House for a meeting with the president. The invitation was extended by Morton Blackwell, then serving as a special assistant to the president. Morton had played a significant role in y election as county prosecutor. President Ronald Reagan had scheduled a meeting with a number of political, community, and religious leaders to discuss the proliferation of pornography in America. To my astonishment, Morton told me that President Reagan wanted me in attendance. I later learned that Morton had extolled our track record of vigorous enforcement of obscenity laws in Arlington County, and how we had closed all the adult book stores and massage parlors. The president was left with the clear, but mistaken, impression that I was an expert on obscenity." [p. 147, emphasis added]
Hudson: "Everyone Nodded And Smiled With Apparent Approval" When President Reagan "Commend[ed] Me For My Extraordinary Work." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
He began by going around the room and allowing everyone, except me, to speak. Each voiced a common theme. They demanded stricter enforcement of the nation's obscenity laws. The president then turned and introduced me to the other people present. It was a heady moment for a thirty-four-year-old.
President Reagan briefly explained how I had successfully used Virginia's obscenity laws to shut down all the adult bookstores in Arlington. Everyone nodded and smiled with apparent approval. He closed by commending me for my extraordinary work, agreeing that a significant problem existed, and promising the attendees that his staff would develop an action plan. I added one profound comment, "Thank you, sir." [pp. 147-8, emphasis added]
Hudson Touts His "Name Identification and Popularity." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Much to my wife's chagrin, I decided to run for Congress in the Eight Congressional District of Virginia. The incumbent congressman, Jim Moran, was an unabashed liberal Democrat and a personal friend of mine, but my name identification and popularity made the race competitive." [p. 249, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Became A Very Popular Guy." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
Another political ally, George F. Allen, had been elected governor of Virginia. I served on his transition team and was appointed to his Commission to Abolish Parole and Reform Sentencing, established to achieve two of his main campaign promises. We accomplished both goals. Based on our recommendations, the Virginia General Assembly abolished the flawed system that allowed criminals, even those committing violent crimes, to be released after serving as little as one sixth of their sentence. Under the new law, convicted felons were required to serve at least eighty-five percent of their sentence.
The governor also appointed me to the Virginia Criminal Sentencing Commission, tasked with developing and implementing the guidelines. The governor's generosity extended even further. He put me in charge of overseeing the awarding of federal and state criminal justice grant money, and I became a very popular guy. [p. 318, emphasis added]
Hudson Emphasizes "Frequent TV Appearances" And "Significant Name Recognition." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The balance of power in the Virginia Senate tipped in the Democrats' favor by one seat. Republicans were clearly gaining momentum, and Democrats could hear Republican footsteps close behind. I had even toyed with the idea of running for the Senate seat for the Mount Vernon area of Fairfax. It was a part-time position that would have allowed me to continue with my other interests. The incumbent, who despised me, had a strong Democratic base but surprisingly low name identification. Mount Vernon, Virginia, was a "swing district"—sometimes it voted Democratic, sometimes Republican. Among the benefits of my frequent TV appearances and prior public service was significant name recognition. Of course, you never know if it's positive!" [p. 320, emphasis added]
"A Sea Of Reporters" & "Paparazzi Everywhere"
Hudson Recounts His First Run For Office: "The Press Coverage Was Extensive." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The next week, at age thirty-one, I publicly announced that I was a candidate for commonwealth's attorney and that I would be seeking the Republican endorsement at the May 15 party canvass. The press coverage was extensive. The Washington Post and the Washington Star both characterized the campaign as potentially the bitterest in Northern Virginia history. My campaign slogan was Competence—Not Controversy." [p. 90, emphasis added]
Hudson: "The Press Was Everywhere" When I Thanked "My Legion Of Supporters." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I received more votes than any Republican candidate in Arlington County history. The Republicans also retained the majority on the Arlington County Board, with both incumbent candidates reelected. As we pulled up in front of the hotel in Crystal City where Republicans were assembled to celebrate our victory, the obvious struck me. I'd be expected to give a speech, something I hadn't even thought about. In an otherwise perfect night, that could cause a problem—I'd already downed a couple of manhattans. My father-in-law had drunk at least four. The press was everywhere. The governor and the attorney general were waiting on the phone to congratulate me. With cameras rolling, I gave a two-minute speech, thanking my legion of supporters and pledging to build an effective law enforcement team. Given the risks that Tara and I had taken, the experience was one of the emotional high points of my lifetime. It is no wonder that politics can easily become addicting." [pp. 97-8, emphasis added]
Hudson: "Lots Of Heads Turned" When Receptionist "Shouted That I Needed To Call The White House Immediately." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "One morning in the early spring of 1982, I returned to the office after my daily swing through all the courts. The receptionist had an urgent message. From 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. each day, the reception area of my office was crowded with lawyers, citizens, and police officers waiting to see me. When Betty Eversberg shouted that I needed to call the White House immediately, lots of heads turned and I could hear the rumor mill grinding. I headed straight to my desk and called the number on the message slip." [p. 117]
Hudson "Worked Hard" To Make Sure His "Miracles" Received "Largely Favorable Coverage." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "A public official sometimes achieves miracles no one ever knows about because word never reaches the street. Therefore, I worked hard to develop a close relationship with the reporters covering the courthouse, giving them almost open door access and a heads up on significant cases and events. It paid dividends in the form of frequent and largely favorable coverage. My staff and the Arlington County Police became an awesome and effective crime fighting team." [pp. 122-3]
Hudson: "Even Democrats Who Opposed Me Were Hard Pressed to Find Fault With Our Performance" And Many Republicans Have Asked "For The Secret To My Success." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
Over the years, numerous aspiring Republican politicians have asked me for the secret to my success with the Arlington voters. Several things founded on basic principles of psychology and common sense were central to my strategy.
First, and perhaps most important, I made a concerted effort to disarm the opposition with bipartisanship. Every time Democrats contacted our office for advice or assistance expecting a chilly reception, they received a prompt, friendly, courteous, and thorough response. They were astounded, particularly when I followed up with a personal phone call to ask if they had any further questions. We did the same for civic associations, teachers, and school administrators, all of whom historically supported only Democratic candidates. They loved the sterling service and prompt attention.
As election time approached, even Democrats who opposed me were hard pressed to find fault with our performance. The personal touch really blunted the political cutting edge. [p. 123, emphasis added]
Hudson Describes His Impulse To "Jump At" A Post Because Of Its "High Visibilty" And "National Exposure." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
When Congressman Wolf explained what he wanted during our phone call, all the pieces fell into place. In response to political pressure, and at Wolf's urging, the president planned to establish a national commission on pornography, and he wanted me to serve as chairman. It would be an uncompensated, part-time position on top of my duties as commonwealth's attorney.
My visceral reaction was to jump at the opportunity. It would undoubtedly be a high visibility post, giving me national exposure. The down side was the constituency I represented in Arlington County, a jurisdiction at least twenty degrees left of center. As a Republican in a Democratically dominated town, I could expect fierce opposition for reelection. As the press frequently reminded me, voters either loved or hated me. [p. 148]
Hudson's Pornography Commission Appointment "Commanded the Front Page Of Every Newspaper In The Nation." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In about two months, President Reagan formally announced the formation of the Attorney General's Commission on Pornography, and my appointment as chairman. The announcement commanded the front page of every newspaper in the nation." [p. 149]
Hudson: "Reporters Were Waiting For Me...Paparazzi Everywhere." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
The weeks following President Reagan's announcement of the Pornography Commission were hectic. I had twenty requests for press interviews every day. Reporters were waiting for me outside the courtroom each morning and in the parking lot each night. Paparazzi everywhere, each hoping I'd say something stupid. The Department of Justice had to assign a full time staffer from the Public Affairs Office to answer inquiries and serve as my handler.
Press coverage intensified as our initial meeting in Washington approached. On the weekend preceding that first hearing, I was a guest on all the Sunday television talk shows, and the commission was the subject of editorials in most of the national newspapers, none complimentary. [p. 150, emphasis added]
Hudson Describes The "Sea Of Reporters" Present For The Unveiling Of The Pornography Commission Report. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "There was a sea of reporters in the Great Hall of the Justice Department on the July morning that Attorney General Meese and I publicly unveiled the report. I could feel the dampness of sweat on my collar as he and I waited to step up on the podium. I felt the anxiety of a defendant waiting to walk into a courtroom to hear what would surely be a guilty verdict. General Meese made a few introductory comments, received the report, praised our work, and turned the press conference over to me for questions. I remember the lonely feeling as I watched Ed Meese step off the podium. With sweaty palms, I responded to press questions, and after being pelted with verbal rocks for about an hour, I fully expected a lashing in the press the next day. I wasn't disappointed. Editorials in national newspapers ran about twenty-five to one negative." [pp. 162-3]
Hudson Recalls Standing By President Reagan's Side After He "Commended" The Pornography Commission's Work. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I was proud to stand at Reagan's side as he signed the Child Protection and Obscenity Enforcement Act of 1988, enacting our child pornography regulations into law. Before we entered the room for the signing ceremony, Jim Dobson and I had a few personal moments with the president. He commended us on the work of the commission and added that hundreds of people from around the nation had expressed their appreciation for our work. Characteristically, President Reagan said he believed that ninety-five percent of the people in America agreed with the findings of the Commission, but unfortunately, the other five percent are newspaper editors." [p. 165]
Hudson: "Courtroom Was Packed With Staff Members Who Wanted To See The Boss In Action." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "My maiden court appearance as the chief federal prosecutor was memorable. The courtroom was packed with staff members who wanted to see the boss in action." [p. 188]
Hudson Was "Greeted By A Throng Of Reporters...The Story Was White Hot." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "As we exited the West Wing, Meese and I were greeted by a throng of reporters and dozens of news cameras. The story was white hot. Although we'd hold a formal news conference later that morning, the attorney general decided to take a few questions." [p. 238]
Hudson: Defense Secretary "Dispatched A Navy Helicopter...To Pick Me Up." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The secretary's directions were simple. Find me, quick. The Secretary had just dispatched a Navy helicopter to the general area to pick me up." [p. 239]
Hudson: "Perhaps It Was Ego, But I Enjoyed Being In The Public Eye." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "[T]he White House offered me the position of assistant secretary of Labor, with responsibility for overseeing enforcement of the nation's labor laws. I spent a day with the incumbent in that job and decided it was not for me. Perhaps it was ego, but I enjoyed being in the public eye—sound bites and press conferences. The Labor Department job was too confining." [p. 249, emphasis added]
At Marshals Service, Hudson Tried To "To Inspire As Much Media Coverage As Possible." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Up to then, the Marshals Service had a reactive public affairs unit that responded to press inquiries and coordinated the occasional films and telecision productions that featured our agency or cases. Unlike the FBI, which had scores of agents assigned to massage the media, the USMS had only two or three non-law-enforcement employees to perform those duties. I beefed up the section with several new people who approached the job with the zeal of telemarketers. Their mission was to promote the Marshals Service and to inspire as much media coverage as possible." [p. 294, emphasis added]
Hudson Gave Media Interviews "Around The Country On A Daily Basis" While Head Of U.S. Marshals Service. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Our aggressive fugitive profiling was contagious. Several Washington television channels began regularly broadcasting segments on our most wanted criminals in the D.C. area, and followup features on their capture. I found myself giving interviews to radio and television stations around the country on a daily basis." [p. 295, emphasis added]
Hudson: Thanks To "Closely Coordinated" Work With The Media, "The Print And Broadcast Coverage Was Phenomenal." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "No matter how much spin I put on our mission, the Marshals Service still needed some 'bling.' Thanks to a supplemental appropriation engineered by Congressman Frank Wolf, we launched a series of national fugitive roundup projects...Dubbed Operation Gunsmoke, the first phase, nabbed 3,313 wanted felons nationwide—2 262 for murder. Gunsmoke II resultined in 1,024 arrests, 779 for violent sexual assaults. Each operation was closely coordinated with the local media. The goodwill with state and local law enforcement agencies was priceless. The print and broadcast coverage was phenomenal. U.S. Marshals became a household word, not just a forgotten relic of the Old West." [p. 295, emphasis added]
"Phone Calls From Movie Stars" & "Mak[ing] It Big In The Broadcasting Field"
Hudson And Don Johnson Worked Together On Weekly TV Show That "Featured Some Tease And Innuendo, But Scant Sex And Minimal Violence." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Not long after I left as director of the Marshals Service, Johnson called me with another production idea—a television adventure series portraying a fugitive-hunting deputy marshal. He invited me to assist with the production and serve as a technical advisor for the series. I jumped at the opportunity....The central character was a young deputy marshal named Winston MacBride based in Los Angeles, with an eye-catching wife and two boisterous kids. MacBride tracked fugitives using his brains. He was sharp and resourceful, employing logic, common sense, a variety of high-tech gadgets, and a dash of chicanery to collar his prey. To play MacBride, Don Johnson recruited Jeff Fahey, riding high after costarring with Kevin Costner in Wyatt Earp. Weekly episodes of 'The Marshal' featured some tease and innuendo, but scant sex and minimal violence. Some were slightly 'si-fi.'" [p. 297]
Hudson: We Were "Up Against A Chuck Norris Production." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The pilot was well-received by Paramount, the network, and the viewers, and got superb reviews. Rival networks responded by beefing up their offerings for the time slot. Originally scheduled for Monday night, 'The Marshal' was eventually shifted to Saturday, up against a Chuck Norris production. Over time, our numbers declined. After two seasons, we got the ax, and Don Johnson's attention shifted to his new role as Nash Bridges, a San Francisco detective." [p. 299, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Was Enamored With The Seductive And Seemingly Romantic Lifestyle Of The Film Business." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "At first, I was enamored with the seductive and seemingly romantic lifestyle of the film business. It was fun to have lunch with Don Johnson and Melanie Griffith at Planet Hollywood, or dinner at a posh restaurant. As a result of working on 'The Marshal,' Paramount and others hired me to consult on several production concepts in development. However, life in Hollywood is tough for all but the top-tiered actors. For Jeff Fahey, it was feast or famine....He and I have stayed in touch. Today, he operates his own production company and we've collaborated on another television series we hope to have in production in the future." [p. 299]
Hudson Says Private Practice Didn't "Excite" Him Because There Were "No Daily Phone Calls" From Famous People. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
Aside from income, there wasn't much about the private practice of law to excite me. No daily phone calls from senators, the attorney general, or the White House. My firm, Mays & Valentine (now Troutman Sanders), was a wonderful place to work, with a great group of people. I had a window overlooking the Potomac River, where I could watch sailboats with their brightly colored spinnakers dotting the waterfront.
The firm had great expectations that I would develop a booming white-collar defense practice. It never happened. I did take on a few criminal cases, but never felt comfortable litigating against my former colleagues in the U.S. Attorney's Office. They treated me with the utmost courtesy, but I always felt that I was trespassing on friendship. [p. 314, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Missed Those Weekly Phone Calls From Movie Stars...Slipping Back Into The Crowd Was Depressing." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I devoted about an hour a day to working on scripts and story lines for 'The Marshal.' As much as I missed those weekly phone calls from movie stars and Hollywood producers, even more deflating was their refusal to return my calls. Slipping back into the crowd was depressing, but I came up with an escape plan." [p. 315, emphasis added]
Hudson Promoted Himself "Every Chance I Got," In Hopes Of A Full-Time Network Gig. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Soon things got a bit out of hand. I was doing four or five programs a week on Fox News, CNN, MSNBC, CBS, and Court TV, as well as sound bites for the local stations. This required me to read three or four newspapers a day, in addition to preparing for my own radio show, which I plugged every chance I got. The exposure certainly enhanced my public visibility, but I'm not sure it did much for my law practice. Clients do, however, love to see their lawyer on TV. The real lure was my hope of a full-time gig as a network legal commentator." [p. 317, emphasis added]
Hudson: "My Love For Broadcasting ... Overshadow[ed] My Interest In Practicing Law." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In 1996, I returned to my former firm, Reed Smith, after Mays & Valentine decided to close its Old Town Alexandria office. [...] I am grateful that Reed Smith was tolerant of my love for broadcasting, which continued to overshadow my interest in practicing law. I was also able to remain active in the public policy arena." [p. 317, emphasis added]
Hudson "Finally" Realized He "Was Never Going To Make It Big In The Broadcasting Field." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Unfortunately, my advocate Bob Longwell had left to run a network of stations in Hawaii. My show was not being cancelled, just placed on 'hold,' indefinitely. It was like someone being wait-listed for college. The next week I learned the station was being sold to an all sports network. When the network offered to shift our broadcast base to a station in Baltimore, we declined. Too far to commute. Although slow in coming, the obvious finally clicked. I was never going to make it big in the broadcasting field, and it was time to get over it—and move on." [p. 318, emphasis added]
"I Got To Know The Chief Justice" & "Howard Stern Called For An Interview"
Hudson Recalls Working With "Greta Van Susteren, Now Anchor Of Fox News Channel's 'On The Record.'" In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The analysis would also entail tracing the money trail, and no one does that better than the IRS. I therefore recruited my brother-in-law, Lance Lydon, then a special agent with the IRS Criminal Investigations Division, to join the team. We also brought in another assweistant United States attorney, Bob McDermott. Legal research was coordinated by a young law student from Georgetown University, Greta Van Susteren, now anchor of Fox News Channel's 'On The Record.'" [p. 73]
Hudson: "I Got To Know The Chief Justice," Warren Burger. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
Arlington County, as an immediate suburb of the District of Columbia, was also home to many prominent government leaders, including the chief justice of the United States. Chief Justice Warren Burger and his wife lived in a magnificent home on ten acres of land in North Arlington. Tara and I got to know the chief justice through my selection to assist him with the Anglo-American Exchange Program for judges and prominent lawyers. I had given my card to the chief justice and told him to call me if I could ever be of help. One Monday morning Mrs. Burger, a very graceful and courtly lady, called and told me that there was a "sheath" in her yard and she wanted to speak to a police officer immediately.
Several Arlington police units rolled up to her house moments later expecting to find a knife in her rear yard, which abutted on a secluded cul-de-sac. After a brief search, the officers found the "sheath." It was a discarded condom. [p. 124, emphasis added]
Hudson Describes His "Strong And Lasting Bond" With Congressman Frank Wolf. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "As Northern Virginia Republicans, Frank Wolf and I were an endangered political species. In the early 1980s, there were damn few Republican office holders in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Our minority status, and relentless efforts to survive politically, created a strong and lasting bond between me and Congressman Wolf. I was prepared to almost anything he requested, within reason." [p. 146, emphasis added]
Hudson Recalls Bird Hunting With His "Strong Ally," Assistant Attorney General Bill Weld. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: ""Fortunately, I had a strong ally on my side. Assistant Attorney General Bill Weld, who occasionally joined me on bird hunting trips." [p. 231]
Hudson: "Even Howard Stern Called For An Interview." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The U.S. Attorney's Office was abuzz early on the morning of June 14, 1988, as federal agents across the country to serve forty-two search warrants. By 8:00 a.m., every phone line in the office was lit up with a call from the media: about one every three minutes. Even Howard Stern called for an interview. Literally every major news network in America called for a comment." [p. 235, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Enjoyed A Close Personal Relationship" With Sen. John Warner. As directed by the attorney general, I made no comments for the record and took only calls from reporters I knew. By 9:00 a.m., we were besieged with phone calls from members of Congress demanding to speak with me personally. Again as directed, I declined to accept them, with the exception of Senator John W. Warner of Virginia, with whom I enjoyed a close relationship. In violation of my instructions from the DOJ, I gave the senator a succinct briefing and promised to touch base with him later in the day. A member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Warner wanted to be out front on the issue. Since my job depended on his political patronage, I intended to cooperate fully." [pp. 235-6, emphasis added]
Hudson Recalls "Discussing Mutual Political Friends With The Vice President." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "When the meeting broke up, I spent about ten minutes discussing mutual political friends with the Vice President [George H.W. Bush] and talking about bird hunting, one of his favorite pastimes. Several years later, my personal contacts with Vice President Bush would pay dividends." [p. 237]
Hudson Befriended "Miami Vice" And "Nash Bridges" Actor Don Johnson. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In early January 1993, as the transition in presidential administrations loomed, another media opportunity materialized. Don Johnson, the star of the Miami Vice TV series and numerous films, was coming by to visit. ... They wanted to develop a reality-based series involving fugitive cases investigated by actual deputy marshals. We loved the idea and spent the next six months working with his executive producer refining the concept. Don Johnson and I became friends and kept in close touch. However, despite our best efforts, Attorney General Reno vetoed our participation in the series."[pp. 296-7, emphasis added]
Hudson's Actor Friends Don Johnson And Melanie Griffith Lobbied President Clinton "To Keep Me On As Head Marshal." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Johnson was a delightful fellow to work with, and very loyal to his friends. During the inaugural festivities for Bill Clinton, Don and his then wife, actress Melanie Griffith, held a star-studded reception for the president. Both Don and Melanie used the one-on-one opportunity to urge President Clinton to keep me on as head marshal." [p. 297]
Hudson Describes Presenting John Gotti's Handcuffs — Which He Had "Mounted On An Engraved Plaque" — To President H. W. Bush. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Gotti was immediately placed in custody and transported to the Metropolitan Correctional Center, a detention facility operate by the U.S. Bureau of Prisons. We arrived just before he did, and I had a chance to spend a few minutes with him. When the transporting deputies removed Gotti's handcuffs, I placed them in my pocket. Attorney General Bill Barr and I later had the handcuffs mounted on an engraved plaque and presented them to President George H. W. Bush to commemorate his successful organized-crime-fighting programs." [p. 307]
Hudson Asked Sen. Strom Thurmond's Office For Help Advancing His Nomination. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
My case was slightly different from the norm, and in some respects unprecedented. Senator Chuck Robb had not returned his blue slip. John Warner, the other Virginia senator, a strong ally, returned his within forty-eight hours, noting his support. Robb sat on his for almost four months. Senator Warner's chief of staff, Susan Magill, repeatedly urged Robb to return the slip, but to no avail. Finally, I asked my friend Duke Short, chief of staff for Senator Strom Thurman of South Carolina, the ranking minority member of the Judiciary Committee, if he would intervene.
A former IRS Special Agent, Short was perhaps the most powerful and respected staffer on Capitol Hill. Always courteous, respectful, and eager to help any friend of Thurman, Short had the confidence of most senators on both sides of the aisle. [pp. 256-7]
Hudson Describes Appearance On "Larry King Live" And Peddling His Talk Show. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "During my last week at the Marshals Service, I had appeared on two syndicated radio programs—one was 'Larry King Live.' I was fascinated, and with the right syndication, the money appeared to be fantastic. I began using every contact I had in the broadcasting industry to find a station willing to take a chance with a talk show devoted to crime and justice. At the time, there was nothing even close in the Washington market. When questioned if there was a true market for a narrow genre of programming, I pointed out that seventy-five percent of the evening news was rape, robbery, and mayhem. Some stations expressed interest, but no one would commit air time." [p. 315]
Hudson Remembers Hosting Patricia Cornwell And Now-Chief-Justice Roberts As Guests On His Radio Show. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "As our listenership gradually increased, so did the caliber of our guests. Before long we were booking the news makers themselves—top law-enforcement officials from around the country, the governors of Maryland and Virginia, dozens of congressmen and senators, best-selling authors such as Patricia Cornwell, and great lawyers such as John Roberts, now Chief Justice Roberts." [p. 316]
Hudson Credits "My Friend Greta Van Susteren" For His Guest Gigs As A CNN Commentator. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "My stock climbed a bit when my friend Greta Van Susteren was tapped to cohost a show on CNN dedicated exclusively to crime and justice. 'Burden of Proof' was a trendsetter spawned by the national obsession with the play-by-play media analysis of the O.J. Simpson trial. Other networks have attempted to replicate the format with limited success. I was a weekly guest on 'Burden of Proof' and, in time, became one of the regular legal commentators on CNN, appearing on two or three programs a week. This resulted in a proliferation of invitations from other networks to comment on the legal issues of the day. I was one of the rare commentators at that time who took a conservative, pro-law-enforcement position. Since law schools almost uniformly inculcate a liberal twist on the law, most lawyers see the world a little left of center." [p. 317, emphasis added]
"Democratic Archenemies" & "Active Service To The Republican Party"
Hudson Considered Himself A 'Byrd Democrat.' In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In my first six months of working for Claude Hilton as an assistant commonwealth's attorney, trying cases was only part of my portfolio of responsibilities. My principal mission was getting Claude elected to a full term in office. Like everyone else in Arlington County Courthouse, we considered ourselves to be Democrats, Byrd Democrats. For all practical purposes, Republicans were extinct. Unfortunately, we had serious if not formidable competition for the Democratic nomination from William S. Burroughs. While Claude had the power of incumbency, Bill Burroughs was a mainstream party activist. Claude and I were newcomers on the party periphery, and our campaign staff had little depth. By default, I was managing the campaign. We were up against the party machine. As soon as I finished court each day, we headed out to campaign. It was a classic grass roots operation, knock on doors, distribute literature, and put up posters—an old fashioned all volunteer operation. I usually got home around 10 p.m." [p. 34, emphasis added]
Hudson Campaigned With Republican Endorsement Under The Slogan "Competence—Not Controversy." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The next week, at age thirty-one, I publicly announced that I was a candidate for commonwealth's attorney and that I would be seeking the Republican endorsement at the May 15 party canvass. The press coverage was extensive. The Washington Post and the Washington Star both characterized the campaign as potentially the bitterest in Northern Virginia history. My campaign slogan was Competence—Not Controversy." [pp. 89-90]
Hudson: "Democrats Could Not Resist A Final Slap." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I was fortunate that the voters returned a Republican majority to the county board, because the Democrats could not resist a final slap. The county manager attempted to reduce my starting day salary to that of an entry-level lawyer." [p. 99]
Hudson Told Democrats With "Ruffled Feathers" To "Buy A Jock Strap." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "For almost three solid months my name had been prominently featured several times a week in all local newspapers covering Northern Virginia. Each development in the prostitution and bingo probes merited front page treatment. I also enjoyed an excellent relationship with all the reporters who covered the U.S. attorney's office. Once I confirmed the rumor that I was running, all the papers did extensive profile pieces with photographs. That really ticked the Democrats off. They retaliated with the Hatch Act complaint. My advice to those with ruffled feathers: Buy a jock strap—you'll need it before this campaign is over." [p. 87, emphasis added]
Hudson: "I Continued To Be Active In Republican Politics." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "In the years following my election, I continued to be active in Republican politics. As the only Republican commonwealth's attorney north of Richmond, and one of only three in the entire state, I found myself in demand as a public speaker. Party officials began circulating rumors that I was being groomed for statewide office. Since my political base in Arlington County was predominantly Democratic, I was very careful about getting involved in other local political campaigns. I enjoyed an excellent relationship with Democratic officeholders and never spoke critically of them in public. They adopted a similar policy with me, which paid handsome dividends at election time." [p. 115]
Hudson "Took A Frontline Role" In Reagan Presidential Campaign. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "While I kept an arm's length from many local campaigns, I took a frontline role in two campaigns of monumental significance: Ronald Reagan's campaign for president of the United States and my good friend Frank Wolf's quest for Congress.... Frank and I developed a very close relationship as the years passed." [p. 115]
Hudson: "Solid Republican Credentials Were Crucial" For Appointment From President Reagan. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The opportunity to serve on the National Highway Safety Advisory Committee sounded exciting. But why had President Reagan chosen me, I asked? The lady from White House Personnel told me that I had been recommended by Secretary of Transportation, Drew Lewis. They were looking for a state prosecutor with experience enforcing traffic laws. I certainly had that. And because it was a political appointment, solid Republican credentials were crucial." [p.118]
Hudson: Appointment To Highway Safety Committee "Bolstered My Republican Credentials." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "My appointment to the committee drew considerable press attention and bolstered my Republican credentials. I made many friends and cultivated a number of contacts that served me well in later years." [p. 119]
Hudson: "I Was A Republican Floating in A Sea Of Democrats." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I was a Republican floating in a sea of Democrats. Sixty-five percent of the Arlington voters were predisposed to support Democratic candidates, regardless of their position on the issues. Why? Because their mothers and dads had always voted for Democrats. Consequently, unlike most of the other constitutional officers, such as the sheriff, clerk of the court or commissioner of the revenue, I knew I had to prove myself everyday. For decades Democrats had occupied the Office of the Commonwealth's Attorney. There was no doubt they wanted it back. I knew they were coming after me in November 1983. But I was ready." [p. 119]
Hudson Describes His "Democratic Archenemies, Who Were Quietly Laying In Ambush." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I had just wrapped up the prosecution of a highly publicized manslaughter case. A prominent Arlington dentist, highly intoxicated and driving on the wrong side of a divided highway, struck a young employee of the Washington Post head-on. The young man was killed instantly. The trial was hard fought with numerous expert witnesses on both sides. The defendant claimed he was neither drunk nor the cause of the accident, despite being on the wrong side of the road. The jury found his mechanical failure defense unpersuasive. The preelection publicity did not go unnoticed by my Democratic archenemies, who were quietly laying in ambush." [p. 126, emphasis added]
Hudson's Appointment To Pornography Commission Was Contingent On "The Purity Of [His] Republican Pedigree." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "My formal appointment was preceded by an extensive vetting process. I spent more than two hours meeting with various people in the White House Personnel Office. Their mission was to examine the purity of my Republican pedigree. Next, I devoted an entire day meeting with officials from the Department of Justice, including a half hour with the Attorney General William French Smith." [p. 148]
Hudson Criticizes "Notoriously Liberal" Ninth Circuit Court Of Appeals For Ignoring "Recognized Precedent." The State of Idaho appealed the decision to the notoriously liberal U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. A three-judge panel affirmed Judge Lodge's decision. The State of Idaho, with the passion of a pack of crazed wild dogs, was not satisfied. The state asked the full court to rehear the case. On June 5, 2001, with a split of six to five, the Ninth Circuit reversed Judge Lodge and the original panel's decision. A slim majority found that [FBI sniper Lon] Horiuchi could be tried by the state if he acted illegally in his capacity as a federal official. As is frequently the case with the Ninth Circuit, the decision had little basis in recognized precedent." [p. 293]
Hudson Recounts Struggle In District Where "A Conservative Republican Cannot Win." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "After about six weeks of campaigning, I realized the obvious. The Eighth Congressional District was gerrymandered for a moderate-to-liberal constituency. History has shown that a conservative Republican cannot win. My campaign strategy combined high name identification with philosophical acceptability. I envisioned the latter element as being an amalgam of conservative views on national defense and law enforcement with a more tempered position on social issues. My Republican base would have no part of it. Many Republican activists would rather cede the election to a Democrat than have a Republican candidate with a tempered message. Increasingly dispirited by the resulting conundrum, I finally concluded that my worst nightmare was being elected and having to serve. I quietly began fumbling for the parachute cord and waiting for my miracle." [pp. 249-50, emphasis added]
Hudson Boasts That The "Historically Liberal ABA" Rated Him "Well Qualified." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "The historically liberal ABA granted me a 'well qualified' rating, with one dissenting vote. The dissenting lawyer would have preferred a 'qualified' rating; he doubted that anyone who had spent eighteen years as a prosecutor could be impartial. He apparently preferred those who devoted their entire career to defending criminals." [p. 323]
Hudson Laments "The Democratic Practice Of Blocking Judicial Nominees With Conservative Records." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Given the politically charged tenor of the times, and the Democratic practice of blocking judicial nominees with conservative records, I thought my nomination was headed for interment." [p. 324]
Hudson: "Twenty Years Of Active Service To The Republican Party...Paid Dividends." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Campaigning for a federal judgeship is almost as challenging as running for political office. Rather than court voters, aspirants solicit endorsements from influential political activists with close ties to the senators, particularly the activists who raise the big money. That is where twenty years of active service to the Republican party, and helping in the various campaigns of each senator, paid dividends and gave me the edge." [p. 322, emphasis added]
"Violation Of The Hatch Act" & "I Lied To The General Assembly"
Hudson Describes A "Possible Violation Of The Hatch Act." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Thanks to the generosity of my boss, Bill Cummings, a hard-core Republican, I spent several hours each day meeting with local party officials. In possible violation of the Hatch Act, which made it illegal for federal employees to engage in partisan politics, I spoke to the Arlington County Republican Committee at its monthly meeting, and to several of the allied women's groups. The enthusiasm was inspiring." [p. 80, emphasis added]
Hudson Touts "Blatant Violation Of County Policy." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "On election day, we had every polling place covered. More than a hundred police officers, in plain clothes of course, greeted voters on my behalf at the polls, in blatant violation of county policy. Speaking of county policy, my detractors tried to chill my supporters with claims of forbidden campaigning in the employee parking lot. The county manager, a friend of Burroughs, sent out a memo to all county employees that no cars with political stickers could park in the lot. Literally hundreds of county employees, mostly police officers, had my bumper sticker displayed on their car." [p. 97]
Hudson Canceled Detective's 90 Parking Tickets. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
The phone rang for almost thirty seconds at the Green residence before Detective David Green answered. Without even identifying myself, I said "David, ninety parking tickets?"
"Yeah," he replied. "I got those doing the Martin case, in my police cruiser no less. Burroughs refused to cancel them. Guess he's still pissed off."
Not wanting to prolong the agony of past history, I whipped out my pen and dealt each one a lethal blow—my first official act as commonwealth's attorney. [p. 101]
Hudson: "I Lied" To The General Assembly And The Bar Association. In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes:
The crushing volume of cases in the Fairfax Circuit Court, the busiest in Virginia, forced you to master the art of judging quickly. Each judge handled almost seven hundred cases a year and averaged at least one jury trial per week, in addition to daily nonjury trials and at least fifty miscellaneous matters every Friday. A day to work quietly in the office, reading law or writing opinions, was a rare occurrence. The docket consisted of a mixture of civil, criminal, and, most dreaded, domestic relations cases. Domestic cases brought out the worst in both litigants and lawyers. Shouting matches and four-letter words were not uncommon. Custody battles often hinged more on revenge than the best interests of the child. Four years on that court prepared me for anything you could throw at me.
I lied to the General Assembly and the Fairfax County Bar Association when I told them unequivocally that I had no intention of seeking a federal judgeship. [p. 321, emphasis added]
"Greedy" Prostitutes & "Bitching And Moaning"
Hudson: Some Prostitutes Are "Greedy" And Actually Enjoy "Male Attention." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "There were two kinds of women working in the parlors: those who worked to survive and those who were simply greedy. The former were drug addicts or single mothers desperate for money. The latter were attractive women able to earn a six-figure salary masturbating men. And some of those women actually enjoyed the male attention they received as a masseuse." [p. 44]
Hudson's Response To Driving Up Crime In Surrounding Jurisdictions: 'Not My Problem.' In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "Although criminal defense lawyers screamed about our hard-nosed approach, the burglary rate plummeted as judges began sending burglars to jail in droves. An unfortunate by-product was the increase in burglaries in surrounding jurisdictions. But that wasn't my problem." [p. 102]
Hudson: "I Got Tired Of All The Bitching And Moaning From People" In "The Witness Security Program." In Quest for Justice, Hudson writes: "I got tired of all the bitching and moaning from people living under the protective veil of the Witness Security Program. There's no doubt about it. It's a tough life. But it's designed to be a life boat, a safe sanctuary for people in imminent danger, those targeted for death. [...] No direct contact of any kind is permitted with anyone aware of the protectee's prior identity, except the assigned witness security inspector. [...] So what's the gripe? To someone facing an assassin's bullet, the program is an oasis in the desert. [...] A couple of disgruntled participants vented their spleen to the media. Some even filed lawsuits claiming breach of contract or violation of their civil rights. None were successful. [...] For every protectee who has groused about the program's inadequacy, a hundred would swear that they could not have survived without it." [pp. 311-2]